The Communist Manifesto
Communism is a social structure where classes are abolished, and property is commonly controlled, as well as being a philosophy and social movement which tries to create such a society through revolution. After reading the drafts of Engel, Karl Marx was able to write the Communist Manifesto.
The Communist Manifesto attempts to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory behind it all. It argued that because of the Capitalist society we live in, there is a constant struggle in terms of class, and that this has an effect on all historical developments.
Marx believed that capitalism was unstable, and the Manifesto cited that the elimination of social classes within society couldn’t happen through a change in government. Instead it was argued that a Revolution was needed.
The Manifesto is made up of four parts. The first section discusses the relationship between proletarians and bourgeoisie, and how this leads to an unfair and unstable society.
It begins by explaining how Communism has been ‘demonised’ within Europe, and describe how they have assembled in London, in order to write the manifesto in an attempt to change peoples mis-conceptions of Communism, which people like Marx thought was unfair and completely inaccurate.
Arguably the most alarming part of the first section is also the most fundamental part which is Marx’s’ belief that the general direction of history is inevitable. This is largely because of the emphasis on Economics that Marx has. He believes that history is shaped plainly by Economics, and doesn’t place any importance on elements such as culture, race, and religion.
Later on in the first section Marx goes onto to talk about the workers themselves, and states that the workers have almost become like part of the machinery itself, such is their treatment by their rulers who exploit them. He also mentions how this class of people known as the Proletarians is unique, as they can connect with each other because of what Marx describes as the miserable existence they each share. He also outlines how they are increasing in numbers, which is possibly done to encourage the readers that a revolution is a realistic target for them. This is further outlined by the way Proletariats are described as being people who have nothing to lose, because they do not possess much property themselves. However it is also clear to see that Marx feels it is important that the people are ready for revolution, which possibly explains the detail that the Communist Manifesto goes into.
The second part of the Manifesto describes the relationship between the working class, and the communists, with the main theme being that of overthrowing the Bourgeoisie, and taking over political power as a people.
This section also responds to the criticisms which have been aimed at Communism in the past, and Marx appears to have no fear of offending and responds to them rather harshly in the Manifesto.
The criticism which I found most interesting was the questioning of the communist idea of abolishing country and nationality. Marx answered by saying that the Proletariat have been robbed of their nationality, and thus don’t have it to lose. What I found interesting is that I have found working class people to be of a generally patriotic nature, but I can only assume that Marx would put this down to delusion, which is a bi-product of the capitalist society of which they are living in.
He also attacks the Bourgeoisie’s family and education based criticisms, as he believes the working class are robed of this because of industry.
In this section Marx also begins to mention what he wants to happen during the revolution, which is essentially the working class taking control, and the elimination of private property, which is when it becomes clear just how much Marx wouldn’t have seen eye to eye with the likes of John Locke!
The third section of the Manifesto looks at socialist and communist literature in a critical way. The three theories that he does a critique on are the Reactionaries, the Conservative Socialists, and the Critical Utopian Socialists.
I think it would be fair to say the one which is most relevant now is that of the Conservative Socialists because they employed ideas such as the minimum wage in a way to try and make a more balanced society and Marx dismisses it as being a way of making life as a proletariat more bearable, and thus helping capitalism. This is still relevant today in Britain because there is a minimum wage in place, and not all of the main political parties agree with the system in place. Marx also dismisses Welfare and Social Security as being attempts to benefit the capitalist system.
The fourth and final section of the Manifesto is that of the role of communism in relation to other political parties and movements, and also reveals their political agenda.
In this part they call on workers to unite as one, and fight against the capitalist society that they are supposedly forced to suffer in. They promise them that under Communism they would lead improved lives.
The manifesto ends with a rallying cry, not to dissimilar to lines which you might find in the Manfiesto’s of contemporary political parties. However they don’t simply say ‘vote for change’, it reads “working men of all countries, unite”.
Thursday 13 May 2010
Tuesday 11 May 2010
Shadowing a Labour Candidate
9:30 am on a cold spring morning in April, and I’m heading towards the office of the Ipswich Labour Party.
On arrival of the office I am introduced to the team behind Chris Mole, including his secretaries, and his agent Bill Knowles. However, Mr Mole is absent, and his whereabouts are unknown to everyone, including his agent.
The imaginative plans for the day are already cancelled, because Mole is busy preparing for a local Hustings Meeting in the evening. I am told the five leaders of the main local parties will be there having a debate, but ‘not riff raff like the BNP’ I am assured by his agent, who cuts the figure of a friendly Grandfather, and speaks with a soft tone. There is a team of about seven or eight seemingly enthusiastic middle-to- old aged people working on leaflets, and phone canvassing in the office. The atmosphere is friendly but focussed.
It is five sweaty hours before a flustered looking Mr Mole walks into the office, wearing a striped suit which wouldn’t look out of place in big city business, and spectacles with distinguished red frames.
In his solicitor-like office he introduces himself politely, and recommends I spend some time with him the following day. He speaks calmly, but comes across as a man pressure.
On the recommendation of the councillor I attend the Hustings Meeting, and on the journey there I am told how he quite often has the tendency to get flustered and ‘ramble’ at times and is out of his comfort zone in these situations. We approach the venue of the Meeting, an ageing church near the Town Centre, which is filled with local people, who appear to dress a generation or two behind normality.
Mole sits back in his seat with his arms folded, and looks up at the traditional dark wooden ceiling of the church. He has an aura of power about him, which his counterparts who are all smaller physically smaller don’t possess.
Mole often stutters when trying to get his point across, and doesn’t smile once during the debate, which quickly becomes a tedious affair. Mole often seems irritated by his counterparts, which leads to more arm crossing and ceiling staring.
The following day, and there is more of a buzz around the office. Joan Ruddock, minister for climate is due to visit the town. As Mr Mole waits outside the dated train station for his guest, he takes a glance at my newspaper, and humorously questions a headline relating to the growing popularity of Nick Clegg. He stands with his hands behind his overcoat covered back and paces the meeting area of the station. On the arrival of Mrs Ruddock, Mole rushes over to say his greetings, and looks much like a man greeting a close friend. He then cheerfully introduces myself and three of his councillors to the guest, but not before double checking the name of his shadowing journalist first!
We then rush into cars, (Ruddock and Mole going into the newest car) and drive to Ipswich furniture project, a run down warehouse where they refurnish and recycle second hand furniture. Mrs Ruddock with her designer red bag and shoes combination looks somewhat out of place amongst the recycled sofa’s and washing machines. However Mole looks alarmingly comfortable in this environment, and listens intently to the man walking us around the tatty site, and appears to have plenty to say about the project, and appears genuinely interested in the technical side. Mole even spends time chatting to workers about the manual side of the project which appears to impress his guest.
The cars then speed off to a nearby Primary School to do some canvassing at the school gates. Labour rosettes are distributed keenly by a councillor, and Mr Mole is keen that all of us have one. Whilst waiting for the canvassing to begin Mole turns his attentions to Mrs Ruddock, and quizzes her on her local constituency. Once again he adopts the confident, knowledgeable tone which was apparent at the furniture project, but lacking at the Hustings meeting where he appeared an anxious figure.
When handing out the literature, Mr Mole cuts a polite and enthusiastic figure, but despite being hurried, appears unflustered. Standing by the school gates on a bright but chilly April afternoon, Mole keenly shakes hands with electors of which he is familiar with, and seemingly takes the occasional cold-shoulder treatment in his stride. A teacher from the school comes out briefly for a chat, and Mr Mole laughs off suggestions of teachers getting pay-rises.
Mr Mole is then confronted by the mother of a pupil, who complains about the schools bullying policy. Mole appears caring, and humble but explains there isn’t a lot he can do and refers her to a school governor, who just so happens to be his agent!
Later as the sky goes from blue to grey, and the rush hour traffic begins to materialise, Mr Mole, and 6 of his councillors make their way to North Ipswich for some canvassing. Mole frequently waits at the gates of the front gardens, and waits to be invited to speak to the tenants of each house, and appears only keen to speak to people who want to listen. On the walk I quiz Mr Mole on the previous nights events of which he admits were a ‘nightmare’. He also agrees that he is far more comfortable talking to the public privately than in debates.
Mole then finds himself in a 15 minute ‘doorstop debate’ in which he argues the case for Labour party on a national basis. Mole exclaims that it was ‘an interesting discussion’ of which he ‘thoroughly enjoyed’, but concedes he may not have done enough to win the vote of that elector.
Soon after, I am being driven home by a middle-aged labour councillor, who in his tobacco smell ridden car concedes that Labour’s hold of Ipswich may be about to come to an end.
On arrival of the office I am introduced to the team behind Chris Mole, including his secretaries, and his agent Bill Knowles. However, Mr Mole is absent, and his whereabouts are unknown to everyone, including his agent.
The imaginative plans for the day are already cancelled, because Mole is busy preparing for a local Hustings Meeting in the evening. I am told the five leaders of the main local parties will be there having a debate, but ‘not riff raff like the BNP’ I am assured by his agent, who cuts the figure of a friendly Grandfather, and speaks with a soft tone. There is a team of about seven or eight seemingly enthusiastic middle-to- old aged people working on leaflets, and phone canvassing in the office. The atmosphere is friendly but focussed.
It is five sweaty hours before a flustered looking Mr Mole walks into the office, wearing a striped suit which wouldn’t look out of place in big city business, and spectacles with distinguished red frames.
In his solicitor-like office he introduces himself politely, and recommends I spend some time with him the following day. He speaks calmly, but comes across as a man pressure.
On the recommendation of the councillor I attend the Hustings Meeting, and on the journey there I am told how he quite often has the tendency to get flustered and ‘ramble’ at times and is out of his comfort zone in these situations. We approach the venue of the Meeting, an ageing church near the Town Centre, which is filled with local people, who appear to dress a generation or two behind normality.
Mole sits back in his seat with his arms folded, and looks up at the traditional dark wooden ceiling of the church. He has an aura of power about him, which his counterparts who are all smaller physically smaller don’t possess.
Mole often stutters when trying to get his point across, and doesn’t smile once during the debate, which quickly becomes a tedious affair. Mole often seems irritated by his counterparts, which leads to more arm crossing and ceiling staring.
The following day, and there is more of a buzz around the office. Joan Ruddock, minister for climate is due to visit the town. As Mr Mole waits outside the dated train station for his guest, he takes a glance at my newspaper, and humorously questions a headline relating to the growing popularity of Nick Clegg. He stands with his hands behind his overcoat covered back and paces the meeting area of the station. On the arrival of Mrs Ruddock, Mole rushes over to say his greetings, and looks much like a man greeting a close friend. He then cheerfully introduces myself and three of his councillors to the guest, but not before double checking the name of his shadowing journalist first!
We then rush into cars, (Ruddock and Mole going into the newest car) and drive to Ipswich furniture project, a run down warehouse where they refurnish and recycle second hand furniture. Mrs Ruddock with her designer red bag and shoes combination looks somewhat out of place amongst the recycled sofa’s and washing machines. However Mole looks alarmingly comfortable in this environment, and listens intently to the man walking us around the tatty site, and appears to have plenty to say about the project, and appears genuinely interested in the technical side. Mole even spends time chatting to workers about the manual side of the project which appears to impress his guest.
The cars then speed off to a nearby Primary School to do some canvassing at the school gates. Labour rosettes are distributed keenly by a councillor, and Mr Mole is keen that all of us have one. Whilst waiting for the canvassing to begin Mole turns his attentions to Mrs Ruddock, and quizzes her on her local constituency. Once again he adopts the confident, knowledgeable tone which was apparent at the furniture project, but lacking at the Hustings meeting where he appeared an anxious figure.
When handing out the literature, Mr Mole cuts a polite and enthusiastic figure, but despite being hurried, appears unflustered. Standing by the school gates on a bright but chilly April afternoon, Mole keenly shakes hands with electors of which he is familiar with, and seemingly takes the occasional cold-shoulder treatment in his stride. A teacher from the school comes out briefly for a chat, and Mr Mole laughs off suggestions of teachers getting pay-rises.
Mr Mole is then confronted by the mother of a pupil, who complains about the schools bullying policy. Mole appears caring, and humble but explains there isn’t a lot he can do and refers her to a school governor, who just so happens to be his agent!
Later as the sky goes from blue to grey, and the rush hour traffic begins to materialise, Mr Mole, and 6 of his councillors make their way to North Ipswich for some canvassing. Mole frequently waits at the gates of the front gardens, and waits to be invited to speak to the tenants of each house, and appears only keen to speak to people who want to listen. On the walk I quiz Mr Mole on the previous nights events of which he admits were a ‘nightmare’. He also agrees that he is far more comfortable talking to the public privately than in debates.
Mole then finds himself in a 15 minute ‘doorstop debate’ in which he argues the case for Labour party on a national basis. Mole exclaims that it was ‘an interesting discussion’ of which he ‘thoroughly enjoyed’, but concedes he may not have done enough to win the vote of that elector.
Soon after, I am being driven home by a middle-aged labour councillor, who in his tobacco smell ridden car concedes that Labour’s hold of Ipswich may be about to come to an end.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
